The five thematic lines that will articulate the work of this new stage represent the specialised continuity of some of the areas already explored. We have started from the experience developed by the Chair and the consideration of conclusions of the VI Congress of Feminist Economics and, specifically, the three emergencies, which were made explicit in that congress, to which we must respond: a) the approach of ecofeminist transitions in the face of climate change; b) dismantling neoliberalism and the belligerent dehumanisation that it implies and c) the necessary reorientation of public policies towards care and life support, diluting the sexual division of labour and gender hierarchies.

• Line 1: Care

All of us will need to care and to be cared for throughout our lives.  There are key moments in life, especially at the beginning and at the end of it, and also in circumstances of special vulnerability that we will require the time and attention of others, and this affects all of us; and that is why care must be the central object of the economy and public policies, and especially of law, since its ultimate aim is to make a better and fairer life possible.

However, it has always been women who have been responsible for carrying out this task, and this dedication, which is essential for the sustainability of life, has placed them in a subordinate position. For men and women to be truly and effectively equal, the shared responsibility of society and institutions in caring for individuals and families is essential. This is the direction in which we are working in the Chair from this line, as well as in the recognition of a right to care.

Coordination of line 1: Ana I. Marrades and Mª Luisa Moltó

• Line 2: Feminist economics and the change of the economic model

If anything characterises feminist economics, it is the approach of an ethical project of social transformation that invites us to rethink everything, from a profound critique of conventional orthodox economics, paying attention to the allocation of resources and priorities for the sustainability of life and ecosystems.

Feminist economics is thus interpreted as a pivot for socio-economic transformation and redistributive justice, proposing the need to put life at the centre of attention and of political and economic agendas; the applicable approach responds to the logic of social provisioning, to human and relational well-being with criteria of social, gender and ecological justice.

We are interested in making a critical but also proactive contribution to the analysis of the impact of production systems on human rights, living conditions, the environment and equality. All of this is necessary to collectively articulate new economic thinking and practices, uncontaminated by the short-term obsession with economic growth and Gross Domestic Product (GDP), less dependent on monetisation, more permeable to human, social and ecological values, respectful of the natural rhythms and cycles of ecosystems, and oriented towards social well-being. And in order to be able to contribute effectively, we consider it important to continue to nurture a critical perspective on the current patriarchal capitalist economic system and the fact that it is based on gender inequality, the sexual division of labour and the extractivism of natural resources, human capacities and biological processes.

Coordination of line 2: Carmen Castro

• Line 3: Feminist economics and processes of neoliberal subjectivities: proposals for cultural change

Feminist economics’ commitment to the “Sustainability of Life” not only challenges the economy but also constitutes a radical critique of the social, cultural and political sphere. The need for a change in the economic paradigm requires a critique on the ways of thinking that we have internalised and that allow this model to be sustained and that also seem natural and immovable. Ways of thinking that, far from being abstract positions, translate into choices, objectives, priorities, demands, practices... ways of life, in short, complicit in what we want to change. For this reason, we consider it necessary to strain a common sense that makes us of ourselves on a daily basis as self-sufficient and individualised subjects. Without the space and legitimacy to recognise our vulnerability, our interdependence and eco-dependence.

We recognise our difficulties of finding tools that favour cultural change processes. We know that it is not just about a battle of “ideas”, it is necessary to challenge a plurality of practices and discourses that build neoliberal bodies (affections, inclinations, ways of desiring). For this reason, we consider it essential to make visible and politic the different levels of conflict (reformulated as capital/life conflict) that we experience daily because it belongs to our normality: the invisibilization and the undervaluation of domestic work and care, the sexual division of labour, the corporal fatigue, the accelerated experience of time and its subordinance to the productive sphere, the consume habits, insidious and tolerated forms of labour exploitation, the hostility of a city model that expels us or closes us in private space, the hierarchies that hide behind a "we" that conceals other exclusions....

Coordination of the line 3: Lucía Gómez

• Line 4: Gender Responsive Budget

Gender Responsive Budget is a proposal from feminist economics as opposed to the hegemonic version of public budget, which is recognised as reductionist and androcentric.

The GRB (Gender Responsive Budget) relies on the revision of mainstream politics in order to transform it in such a way that the experiences of women and men are taken into account incorporating existing inequalities and diversities. It is therefore a tool for advancing gender mainstreaming with an important transformative potential that can achieve the redistribution of resources, the reformulation of policy priorities and the review of actors involved and with responsibilities in these processes.

Coordination of the line 4: Mónica Gil

• Line 5: Social Feminist Work

Social services are the sectors that have suffered most during the crisis. Neoliberal public policies in our country have had a terrible impact on them. Outsourcing and privatisation of social projects and programmes has been the norm, with extremely harsh consequences in both for the daily lives of the people who use the resources, programmes and projects and for their professionals. The Welfare State cannot be understood without quality public social services. Social work is committed to satisfying the basic needs of all people and to equality, which is why it cannot be separated from feminism. Social work has been and is a women’s profession, we have traditionally been concerned with sustaining life and creating resources, social support networks and community works. Feminist social work wants to be an agent of change and social transformation, it is a question of human rights and social justice.

Coordination of the line 5: Elena Mut and Gabriela Moriano